Two Party System Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Two Party System - Essay Example The two-party system in American politics has created both opportunities and constraints. The two party system creates a number of opportunities. First, the two party system in America is among the most stable political systems in the world. Under the two-party system, the United States has been peaceful and politically stable as opposed to countries with the multi-party system. Secondly, the system is simple and easy for the voters to select their leaders. Voters in the United States only require following the manifestos and strategies of the two parties and choose their leaders under the two parties. The two- party system creates simplicity in understanding, following and voting leaders for the two parties (Janda et al. 23). However, the two party system being exercised in the U.S. creates more constraints than opportunities. For instance, the two party system limits the choice and options of the American voters in the process of selecting their leaders. Unlike in the multiparty system, voters in the two party system are restricted to choose or vote their leaders from only two parties. For this reason, other potential leaders who may be more efficient and appropriate than the selected ones lack opportunity to be selected in the general elections. Secondly, the system is slowly killing democracy in the U.S. People in America are guided by the opinions and decisions made by leaders from either Republic or Democratic parties. The limitation of opinions, options, and decisions leads to marginalization of some people. The system has led to poor governance and lack of accountability among the elected leaders. Although leaders are found to be unaccountable of public finances, their political parties support th em, thus increasing the level of corruption and unaccountability in the U.S (Janda et al. 23). The founding of the American politics had various perceptions of political parties. For

Alcohol Beverage Essay Example for Free

Alcohol Beverage Essay Throughout the history of television, viewers have raised many questions about alcohol advertising. How is advertising affecting us? Does it have an impact on alcohol abuse or alcohol related disease and death? Does advertising influence alcohol consumption? In this essay, I will mainly concentrate on why such alcoholic advertisements should be restricted; and to what extent should any governments be able to control advertising. My personal opinion that I maintain is that I agree with having restrictions on alcoholic beverages’ advertisements on TV, by focusing more on responsible drinking and on problems that drinking causes every year because of irresponsibility of its consumer. I also stand by my opinion because young people are negatively affected by those ads, since there are no messages for responsible action while drinking. Moreover, statistics show that alcohol-related admissions to hospital in United States have reached 20% in 1995. With other words, most of cases sent to our hospitals were alcohol related, which potentially leads to violence, accidents and health issues. Alcohol is thought to cause thirty thousand premature deaths a year. Therefore, it may cause physical and mental harm to its consumers. The two main media tools that help advertising for alcohol are Televised programs and radio channels. These giant corporations make millions of dollars advertising for alcoholic beverages with having minimal advices on responsible drinking and reckless behaviors that can be caused primarily because of it. My personal believe is that too excessive exposure to alcoholic advertisement can increase consumption and influence peoples attitudes towards alcohol especially for youngster as they have not formed the correct understanding of it. In order to prevent the large amount of alcoholic advertising that appears on media, over the last few decades, government have set far stricter guidelines and regulations concerning alcohol. Some of these limitations and restrictions are particularly made for advertising for alcoholic drinks. Some of these restrictions include limiting the timing of advertisements on television and allow alcohol related ads to be displayed only after 10:00pm, which will avoid youth exposure to it. Nowadays, Alcohol advertisement is at its peak on sport events. This is why prohibiting the liquor company from being the official sponsor in sport must be considered. As Professor Gilmore said, limitations should include alcohol sponsorship in sport, as the alcohol was being advertised 24 hours a day. Besides, the contents of advertisement should be restricted, images like violence and potential crime should be forbidden, as it is easy for young people doing the same things that show on television. On the other hand, both in public and private sectors are responsible in joining their efforts to help to set out limitations and restrict alcohol promotion and sales through ads. For instance, clubs should abolish the unlimited drinks to a certain time only with fixed amount of money, and restrict underage people from being exposed to a place where alcohol is heavily consumed. Besides, the price should be increased to reduce the alcohol consumption and alcohol producers should develop a new production line, as an alternative to replace alcohol. Now, alcohol has spread in our culture and society and became the symbol of fun and pleasure. Its consumption has increased more than ever did in mankind history and their effects are increasing with it as well. Advertising for alcohol is not only encouraging our youth to drink more which will affect their health but also promotes reckless and irresponsible behaviors associated with its consumption. Our government is more aware of the seriousness of this issue than ever, however further laws and restrictions must take place in the future in order to decrease its negative effects.

The Growth Of Islamic Fundamentalism In Afghanistan Politics Essay

The Growth Of Islamic Fundamentalism In Afghanistan Politics Essay If there has been an overriding feature of their history [the Afghans], it is that it has been a history of conflictof invasions, battles and sieges, of vendettas, assassinations and massacres, of tribal feuding, dynastic strife and civil war. (2001, 12) Martin Ewan, Afghanistan, A Short History of Its People and Politics Since the end of the Cold War, the Afghanistan has witnessed a considerable rise in internal violence. During the 1960s a struggle had developed between Communists and Islamists in Afghanistan.  [1]  After the withdrawal of Soviet troops and subsequent takeover by the Taliban, Afghanistan has been constantly turning into a radically Islamist nation. FOUNDATION OF ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM IN THE AFGHANISTAN The USSRs attempts to consolidate a Communist regime in Afghanistan, first through aid and indirect involvement and later through direct military involvement, were major components in the development of the civil war in Afghanistan which eventually led to the victory of the Mujahidin and the rise of the fundamentalist Islamic regime.  [2]   In 1979, after the invasion had jolted the Muslim world. They realized that they were in no position to conduct a conventional campaign against Soviet Union. Thus a number of Muslim volunteers commenced moving to Pakistan to assist in the jihad. One of the first volunteers to move in to Pakistan was Osama Bin Laden. He said, One day in Afghanistan is like thousand days in a mosque. At first he personally covered the cost of travel of all volunteers to Afghanistan. In early 1980, he set up Masadat Al Ansar, then the main base for Arab mujahedeen in Afghanistan  [3]  . This was the first time a formalized training camp was set up in this country. During this period Sheikh Abd Allah Yussuf Azza, who was the key in establishing the International Legion of Islam- hard core of international terrorism, came in contact with Bin Laden. Together they established the Bait ul Ansar, which received and trained the first Islamist volunteers for Afghanistan. The Afghan Mujahidin waged their struggle against the USSR not only as a national liberation war but as a jihad in which radical Islamic elements from throughout the Muslim world took part and which had the blessing of most Arab and Muslim states  [4]  . However, most of the Mujahidin movements centred around traditional religious leadership based on ethnic and regional considerations, although some of the movements were heterogeneous and included supporters and included supporters and activities from various ethnic groups. The protest movement formed around local political and religious leaders and gradually developed into two main factions.  [5]   The first faction wanted to transform Afghanistan into an Islamic state in the spirit of Islamic law (Shariah). They adopted principals from the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood and advocated jihad against the Communist regime. This stream became known as the fundamentalist stream.  [6]   The second faction wanted to found a regime in the unique tribal tradition of Afghanistan. They also advocated struggle against the Communist regime. A considerable portion of the leaders of this faction came from the ranks of the supporters of King Zahir and inspired to reinstate the monarchy. This stream, which became known as the traditional or moderate stream, felt that the life of the individual should be guided by Islam but community and state problems should be solved in the tribal Afghan way.  [7]   All the major mujahidin parties advocate an Islamic republic as an end goal and are essentially religious. Islam has been the primary ideology and unifying factor among all these parties in the course of the struggle against the Soviet occupation; secular parties have attracted no significant following, especially the left, which was discredited by the communist takeover. Within the spectrum of Islam, however, these parties differ significantly in their makeup and approach. Traditional analysis has divided the seven Sunni parties into four Islamist and three traditional parties  [8]  . (a) Islamist. (i) Hizb- e -Islami (the Islamic Party), led by Gulbuddin Hikmetyar, primarily Pashtun in membership and radical in character. An Islamic fundamentalist-oriented movement advocating the foundation of a central Islamic republic. The organization is a variance and in conflict with the majority of the other Islamic movement. (ii) Hizb- e -Islami (the Islamic Party), led by Younis Khalis, primarily Pashtun in membership (on a tribal basis) and kept the original name even splitting from Gulbuddin Hikmetyars party. A fundamentalist-oriented movement that advocates the foundation of a theocratic republic. (iii) Ittihad-e- Islami (the Islamic Alliance of Afghan Mujahidin), led by Abdul Rasul Sayyaf, mainly Pashtun and radical in character as well as Saudi-oriented. An organization with a conservative ideology that advocates the establishment of an Islamic republic. The organization developed into a body that attempted to unify various Afghan elements located in Pakistan. (iv) Jamaat-e-Islami (the Islamic Movement of Afghanisdtan), led by Burhanuddin Rabbani, with membership mainly drawn from northern Afghanistan (Tajiki extraction) and more moderate in character. An Islamic fundamentalist-oriented movement advocating the foundation of a theocratic republic. (b) Traditionalist. (i) Harakat-e-Inquila Islami (The Islamic Revolutionary Movement), led by Mohammad Nabi Muhammadi, primarily Pashtun in membership and drawing more on traditional clergy. A conservative organization that aligns itself with returning to the prerevolutionary establishment (a relatively moderate organization). (ii) Jabha-ye-Nejat-e-Milli (The National Liberation Front), led by Sibghatullah Mujaddedi, mainly Pashtun in membership and Sufi oriented. A monarchist organization that supports reestablishment of the Pashtun establishment in the pre-revolutionary format. This is a relatively small organization among the Pashtun population. (iii) Mahaz-e-Islami (the Islamic National Front of Afghanistan), led by Pir Sayed Ahmad Gailani, mainly Pashtun and Sufi oriented as well as pro-royalist. A monarchist organization that aligns itself with reinstatement of the monarchy (in the pre-revolutionary format) In addition, there are a variety of Shiite parties as many as ten at present, but with only a few having substantial political clout. Eight of these Shiite parties are religious and oriented toward Iran but are not necessarily firm in their support of the political line of the Ayatollah Khomeini. Two Shiite parties are not affiliated with Iran. Main Shiite organizations are  [9]  :- (a) Shura, led by Sayed Ali Beheshti. The organization advocates establishment of a Hazara autonomy. IT reached its height of power in 1979-1980 but later lost Iranian support to more radical Shiite organizations. (b) Nasser (Victory), led by Mir Hussein Tsadiki. An organization that advocates Hazara separatism. The organization was supported in the early 1980s by the Iranians as a counterbalance to the Shura but gradually became overly independent and lost Irans support. (c) Harkat-e-Islami (Movement of Islami Revolution), led by Mohammed Alsayyaf Muhseini. The organization advocates establishment of an Islamic state. It was supported by Hazara population and the Dari-speaking Shiite populations. (d) The Revolutionary Guards, led by Muhsein Razzai. A Khomeini-Hazara organization that advocates unification with Iran. Since 1984 the organization has massive Iranian support. (e) Hizbullah is a Hazara organization with a Khomeini orientation that advocates unification with Iran. The organization receives substantial support from Iran and maintains cooperative ties with Hizbullah in other countries. AFGHAN FUNDAMENTALISM : ITS ROOT OF LEGITIMACY The Afghan fundamentalist, or Islamist, movement enjoys a powerful base of legitimacy in Afghan politics owing to three key factors as under :- (a) The historic role of Afghanistan as defender of the faith in the Indian subcontinent. (b) The Islamists opposition to communism in Afghanistan in the early 1970s which forced many Afghan leaders to work from Pakistan against communist influence (the 1978 communist coup in Afghanistan overwhelmingly vindicated the Islamists initial fear of communist influence and intentions). (c) The paramount role of Islamist and religious parties in the struggle against Soviet occupation. AFGHANISTAN ROLE OF DEFENDER OF THE FAITH Afghanistan has had a unique and long-established tradition as defender of Islam in the subcontinent  [10]  . In the 19th century, for example, India (including present-day Pakistan and Bangladesh) was under the rule of the British Raj, the Turkish Ottoman Empire controlled vast portion of the Arab world, and Iran was helpless in the face of Russian and British domination but Afghanistan was one of a handful of truly independent Muslim countries in the world. Afghanistan alone had maintained its own independence from foreign control since 1747, and it thus enjoyed respect and recognition throughout the Muslim world. Afghanistans Durrani Empire in the 19th century was actually the second largest Muslim empire in the world at that time, ceding first place only to the Ottomans  [11]  . In the 19th century, Kabul helped foment Islamic political uprisings in India and was itself seen as one of the few places of refuge for those Muslims in British India who felt it was religiously untenable to live in a godless(British-run) state. Kabul also struck several severe blows against British power in the region, most notably by repelling what turned out to be a disastrous invasion of Afghanistan by the British army in 1842.  [12]   THE FOUNDATIONS OF ISLAMIST STRENGTH The strength of the Islamist movement in Afghanistan today rests largely on its military capabilities and on the strength of its political organization. The movement is not, in other words, a popular one, although it does command widespread respect for its role in the liberation of the country from Soviet occupation. It derives particular legitimacy from having provided the ideological spearhead for that struggle, radical Islam, which transcends mere nationalism. The Islamists movement, however, had actively opposed communist coup and takeover began. The movement thus occupies a central place in Afghan politics today. That all Afghan mujahidin parties today have a religious basis was underscored during the anti-Soviet jihad, or holy war a conflict that helped define the Islamic orientation of contemporary Afghan politics. Hence, there is a strong likelihood that the political, removal or fall of Najibullahs Peoples Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) will be followed by the establishment of some type of Islamic republic -one that is committed in some measure to the implementation of Islamic law (the Shari a). Possible Islamic models from which Afghanistan might draw include the Islamic governments of Iran, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia. The actual character of the new Afghan government, however, could vary considerably, depending in who dominates it and on the nature of specific policies and methods of implementation. Of the seven Sunni mujahidin parties in Afghanistan today, four are fundamentalist-ideological-Islamist in character, and two of these four are radical in their beliefs and operating style. Together, these four parties have the more integral role in the Soviet conflict than have the more traditional parties. Indeed, a key contributor to the Islamists strength has been the large measure of support that the radical Islamist parties have derived from Pakistan by virtue of their military performance and zeal. Such support was bolstered by former Pakistans President Mohammed Zia-ul-Haqq, who found the politics of the Afghan Islamist parties in consonance with his own Islamisation campaign in Pakistan. The Afghan Islamists, for their part, enjoyed the backing of Pakistani religious parties, who in turn were strong pillars of support for Zia. Zia also understood that the ideological orientation of the Islamist parties would largely inhibit them from encouraging Pashtun ethnic separatism in Pakistan an Afghan policy of nearly 30 years standing that had engendered considerable tension between the two countries. Islamists disapprove of narrow ethnic orientation as a basis for the state and instead support broader political groupings based on a common Islamic outlook. The close cooperation between Pakistan and the Afghan mujahidin against Soviet occupation of Afghanistan had one important and immediate consequence: the long standing hostility between Pakistan and Afghanistan has abated considerably. Benazir Bhuttos brief term as Prime Minister following Zias death, despite her more secular policies, did not significantly weaken Pakistans ties with the Afghan mujahidin. Fundamentalist parties in Pakistan will continue to support Afghan fundamentalist groups, regardless of the policies of Islamabad in the future. WILL THE FUNDAMENTALISTS COME TO POWER? Ironically, the removal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan has weakened one of the principal sources of Islamist strength in Afghanistan- for while all mujahidin parties may agree on the desirability of an Islamic government, consensus on power sharing is an entirely different matter. There are in fact deep rifts among the parties, mot only between traditionalists and Islamists but also among Islamists themselves. These divisions, which reflect ideological, regional, and ethnic differences as well as conflicts between personalities, are not likely to be readily resolved in the wake of the Soviet withdrawal. The strength of the Islamist parties rests on other factors as well like as under:- (a) Pakistan and Saudi preferences with respect to the distribution of aid among the mujahidin have served to strengthen the Islamists by providing them with greater opportunity to distribute their financial and military largess and hence to attract a broader following including support among the military commanders. (b) The mujahidins use of Pakistan as a political base of operations a factor that has skewed the true there -way power relationships inside Afghanistan among the parties, their local mujahidin commanders, and the populace at large has worked to the Islamists advantage. WEAKNESSES OF THE ISLAMIST PARTIES While the Islamists are still the single strongest element in Afghanistans political equation today, some of their strength derives from the location of their political base in the Pakistani border city of Peshawar, where Pakistans own political influence over the mujahidin can be maximized. As the struggle moves out of the anti Soviet, anticommunist phase and into a phase of civil war, the influence of the special political climate of Peshawar will diminish, and with it, the influence of Pakistan itself over the struggle. Other factors that may contribute to the possible weakening of Islamist influence are as follows :- (a) The Islamists lack a charismatic national figure like, for example, Irans Ayatollah Khomeini who will serve as a natural leader. (b) If financial support to specific mujahidin parties is severed in pursuit of a political solution in Kabul, it is unclear how much strength the Islamist parties would retain. While the Islamists ideological and organizational strengths remain significant in Peshawar, an internal power struggle inside Afghanistan would present a new set of variables that would affect the ultimate success of one party over another. (c) The Islamist parties are by no means united within themselves. (d) Because tribalism and regional loyalties in Afghanistan were largely subordinated in the decade long effort of all national elements to expel the Soviet Union, a permanently enhanced sense of national unity may now exist. On the other hand, the expulsion of the Soviet enemy may refocus Afghan politics on older and more parochial issues. Tribalism and regionalism are already reasserting themselves, essentially working against the radical Islamist parties. (e) Mujahidin commanders inside the country maintain only tenuous ties with the Peshawar parties. Hence they may not fully share the political views of these parties and may be increasingly inclined to act independently or to pursue their own agendas if alternative sources of aid weaken the party hold. (f) The highly disproportionate representation of ethnic Pashtuns among the refugee population in Pakistan skews our understanding of the political preferences of the broader population as a whole inside Afghanistan especially when Pakistan refugee camps are used as a basis for public opinion findings, press coverage, straw polls, and identification of political attitudes. Current Islamist strength in the Peshawar environment might well weaken once politics shift inside the country. The Islamists are therefore likely to come to power only by military means. The moderate parties in particular are concerned that the most radical Islamist faction, Hizb-e-Islami (the Islamic Party ), led by Gulbuddin Hikmetyar, may attempt to use Leninist tactics to eliminate other mujahidin leaders by assassination in order to secure power a fear that is based more on the personality of Gulbuddin than on the character of his Islamic ideology per se. While such an attempt cannot be ruled out, it is highly unlikely that a minority radical Islamist party attempting to do just that. Any radical Islamic leadership that sought to rule successfully would have to come to terms with the other political and ideological elements within the country. WHAT WOULD A RADICAL ISLAMIST LEADERSHIP MEANS? Any Islamist regime in Afghanistan, were it to come to power, would differ sharply from Irans Islamist regime in many important respects. First, such a regime would be firmly Sunni rather than Shiite in character, suggesting a greater ability to work with elements of secular state power as well as a less apocalyptic, oppression and martyr- oriented outlook. Afghan Islamists, furthermore, lack the depth of hostility toward the United States that has characterized Iranian politics. The Afghan Islamists in fact have almost no formal grievances against any past US role in Afghanistan; to the contrary, however much they may dislike US culture, the Islamists are well aware that the United States played a pivotal role in the anti- Soviet struggle. Afghan political culture as a whole also tends to be far less xenophobic than that of Iran- simply because Afghanistan has never been dominated and manipulated by foreign powers as consistently as was Iran throughout the 19th and early 20th centur ies. Nonetheless, Afghan Islamists share with other Islamist world movements the same concerns over the threat to the Islamic way of life posed by Western and especially American culture. Essentially , the Islamists perceive the United States as representing secularism, permissiveness, hedonism, individualism- all of which they see as deeply corrosive to the establishment of the virtuous Islamic society. Any Islamic Afghan regime will thus oppose such influences inside Afghanistan and will limit Afghan contact with American cultural influences. In addition, any Islamist regime in Kabul will gravitate strongly toward nonalignment and exclusion of Western as well as Soviet influence in the region. Such a regime would therefore oppose a US military presence in the Persian Gulf states, in Pakistan, or anywhere else in the Muslim world. Similarly, it would be likely to support the cause of Islamic minorities in regions such as India and the CAR. As an example, major ethnic elements in Afghanistan, such as Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Turkmen, are heavily represented in the CAR- a phenomenon that the Soviets have attempted to exploit in efforts to draw Afghanistan closer to the USSR. Yet such tactics have not assisted Soviet policy and in fact have likely backfired; ties between ethnic elements of both sides of the Soviet border are more likely to draw these populations closer together, resulting in an effort to diminish Moscows influence and to broaden the options of the Muslim populations of the CAR. Finally, an Islamist Afghan regime will be strongly conscious of Western imperialism and will be a strong advocate of the have-nots in North vs South issues. Despite these positions, however, an Islamist Afghanistan will have limited opportunity or reason to directly attack US interests, since such interests in Afghanistan will be highly limited in their scope. Afghan Islamists would unquestionably support the cause of fundamentalist parties in Pakistan, which could bring them into conflict with US policies there. Unlike pre- 1978 Afghan governments, however, Afghan Islamists are unlikely to support ethnic separatism in Pakistan. An Islamist Afghanistan will share some philosophical interests with Iran, but it would not be likely to cooperate closely with Iran on anything other than broad international Islamic issues. Sunni fundamentalists will in fact resent Irans support of the Afghan Shia, who will represents Irans chief instrument of influence in Afghanistan, and there is likely to be some degree of rivalry between a Sunni and a Shiite Islamic republic. Irans bid for influence in Afghanistan has nonetheless risen dramatically since the end of the Iran- Iraq War, and it perceives itself as a major player in future Afghan politics. Part of Irans goal here is to thwart Saudi interests. EMERGENCE OF TALIBAN Ever since the fall of Najibullah government and withdrawal of Soviet forces, the attempts by Pakistan to form a consensus regime in Kabul had failed. Pakistan also failed to install Hekmatayar govt and Rabbani had his own ambitions showing no inclination to accept Pakistani directions. By early 1994,the Inter Service Intelligence Agency (ISI) realised that the Rabbani regime was slowly consolidating itself in Kabul. This development was against Pakistans overall interests in Afghanistan and forced her to look for an alternative. Maj Gen (Retd) Naseerullah Babar, the Interior Minister in the second Benazir Bhutto Government conceived the idea of creating a students militia along with some veterans from the Afghan Mujahedeen who had fought the Soviet Army and who had taken shelter in Pakistan.  [13]   The infrastructure for launching Taliban was set up by May 1994.  [14]  The word Taliban literally means students of religious schools . The Taliban militia largely comprises students of religious schools (Madrassas) in Baluchistan and NWFP. Initially these Madrassas were set up by Jamait-i-Uiema-lslam (JUI) led by Maulana Fazlur Rehman for the Afghan refugees. Subsequently the Pak ISI took over these institutions and extended training, moral and material support to Taliban. The movement was very well planned to exploit religious sentiments of Islamic countries and Islamic organisations. This also paved way for easy recruitment and funds from international Islamic community. Taliban in Afghanistan is unique in the sense that it is not the product of a national movement like its predecessor, the Mujahidin, which waged a war against the Soviet Union and its Afghan puppets. The Taliban is a force created by the Pakistan with the twin purposes of containing Iran and diluting, and eventually weakening, Russian influence in its former Muslim-majority republic. The implicit aim is to preserve Pakistans influence over Afghanistan as the Taliban is dependent on Pakistan for logistics and military training and on the UAE for funds. Pakistan aimed following major advantages by Pakistan by supporting Taliban are:- (a) Militarily subdue and defeat the Tajik and Uzbek ethnic militias, bring Afghanistan under Taliban rule and thereby secure the Kabul-Salang-Kunduz highway, the major artery leading to Central Asian Republics. (b) Seek diplomatic international recognition for Taliban and orchestrate its future actions in consonance with her own interests. (c) Gain strategic depth vis-a-vis India. (d) Maintain Taliban as an anti India instrument for reigniting the Kashmir insurgency.  [15]  

Does Technology Drive History? Essay -- History Technology Essays

A theme that appears over and over in discussions about technology is whether or not technology is the cause of major social, cultural, political, and economic changes in modern society. Of course, we can find many, many examples of technologies associated with enormous social changes. The automobile, for example, is often spoke of as "causing" a whole array of social changes, from the creation of suburbia, to the development of the fast food industry, to the paving of farm land, to the imported oil vulnerabilities of the 1970s. The popular media is filled with similar examples of new technologies that are going to change everything, from computers to nanotechnologies to new medical devices. And we are often told that we must find ways to accommodate ourselves to these new devices and to the changes they will cause, that we must strive to ride the wave of social flux produced by emerging technologies, or face the dire prospect of being "left behind." This language and these arguments, whether in the general media or in scholarly analyses, are examples of various kinds of technological determinism, the notion that technology is the most powerful force behind the modern world, that technology "drives" history (Smith, Marx, 1994). Those who support this idea often claim more: technology may well be pushing us in directions we do not want to go, that technology has somehow gotten "out of control." Technological determinism comes in different forms. For some, such as the late French scholar Jacques Ellul (1965, 1980, 1990), technology is the most powerful force in modern life, moving according to its own logic, and well beyond the control of humans. Others, such as political theorist Langdon Winner (1977, 1986), assert that tech... ...equired to maintain and operate technological systems, such as electrical power grids, nationwide telephone systems, television networks, etc. While the people involved in technological systems do have the power to make choices -- as the anti-determinists claim -- they must make those choices in settings that can impose significant limits on the range of choices available, as the determinists claim. In other words, the control of technology becomes more difficult, and maybe ultimately impossible, as we move from smaller and simpler structures and artifacts toward much larger, complex, and interdependent systems. It is much more difficult to change our minds about technologies after they have developed such organizational shells as multinational corporations or public utilities, and after so much investment has occurred (Collingridge, 1980, Morone, Woodhouse, 1986).

Mumbai-the City of Dreams Essay

Mumbai – the city of dreams, the city of broken dreams. Millions go unnoticed like sand castles washed away at the beach, millions are attracted by the skyscrapers of Elphinstone, and millions are immortalized like the Elephanta-s. From Haji Ali to Siddhivinayak, from local trains to the Vada Pav, from the boulders of Bandstand to the sands of Juhu, from Mangeshkar to Tendulkar, from the Khans to the Bachchans, it is ‘Aamchi Mumbai’ all the way. From the trawlers’ struggle for fresh catch to the country’s top CEO-s’ meetings, India’s business capital doesn’t seem to sleep. With fruit juice at Rs. 5 a glass outside railway stations, to Rs. 200 a cappuccino at the Trident, life in Mumbai sails smooth with all its diversity. The night remains young from DJ jamming sessions to ek chaalis ki last local. Almost a hundred Bollywood movies have had as their opening scene a long shot of Victoria Terminus, introducing Mumbai as sapno ki na gari. Arvind Swami’s lovelorn ‘Tu Hi Re’ on old fort reminds us of Bombay, whereas Ranbir Kapur’s ‘Wake up Sid’ sketches Mumbai on a realistic canvas. Dreams come true here, dreams shatter here, but life doesn’t go off the tracks. The locals move on, carrying few lakh dreaming hearts every day. The Churchgate slow local arrives on platform 3 of Lower Parel station at 11am with about a dozen hanging on each footboard; the ladies compartments have decked up corporate women in formals and topknots to Marathi fisherwomen rushing to the markets to sell their fresh catch. In fact, Mumbai traffic compels few office goers to park their cars at stations and take the reliable local to office everyday! ‘Bombay to Goa’ to ‘Saathiya’, the local train has repeatedly come on the silver screen. Even the Oscar winning Indian movie ‘Slumdog Millionaire’ had one of its popular songs shot at the famous Chatrapati Shivaji Terminus platform. Over the decades, it has turned out to be Mumbai’s lifeline. The tracks take a three hour daily break from 1:40am to 4:45am, CST to Khopoli, Churchgate to Dahanu. There are three main lines — the Western, Central and the Harbour line. Life in Mumbai revolves around local trains; the truth about which was felt when the Motormen strike on May 3rd, 2010 had left Mumbai chaotic and overturned. Another thing that raises tourist’s eyebrows is the ‘on-track’ vendors and their items. The ladies on their way buy household items to earrings to kurti-s. There is trial option also; anyone can try a kurti before choosing to buy! Another familiar face in the 9:01am Ambernath-Lower Parel II class ladies compartment is a lady who sells home-made sweets. She has an amazing style of calling out the names of the sweets, a shrill loud voice coming unexpectedly out of her frail structure, and women indeed go berserk buying her delicacies. It is perhaps correctly said, â€Å"You will find answers to all the mysteries of the world, except one— What does a woman want?† The engine siren pierces through the silence of the night, the bogies rattle on the tracks, the signals go red and green, the pebbles on the fishplates turn and overturn, and the Mumbai locals go on and on.

This essay is an investigative report on Fast Food Nation.

This essay is an investigative report on Fast Food Nation. Many people blindly go to fast food restaurants without thinking "what lies behind the shinny happy faces of every fast food transaction" (Schlosser 10). Eric Schlosser's book "Fast Food Nation" looks to change that. Schlosser's intentions when writing this book was to inform the reader of the dark side of the fast food industry. Schlosser pulls from numerous sources to support his arguments. While he neglects to include some information that may conflict with his argument, overall, he used his sources properly and truthfully.In the chapter entitled "Behind the Counter", Schlosser points out that "increasing the federal minimum wage by a dollar would add about two cents to the cost of a fast food hamburger" (Schlosser 73). In the note on page 309, Schlosser cites an article entitled "Impact of Minimum Wage Increases." The article displays several scenarios within a number of studies that show how an increase in minimum wage would cause a very slight spike in the price of fast food.Fa st food in NepalThe article researched minimum wage increases in past years and the affect they had on the price of food. In 1992, minimum wage was increased fifty cents and the price of fast food was only raised approximately one cent.The article supports Schlosser's argument that for every dollar increase to minimum wage the price of fast food would rise a mere two cents. Schlosser includes this statistic to illustrate the greedy behavior of the corporations running the fast food industry and to disprove the argument that raising the minimum wage would be a costly measure. It was a universal belief that the fast food industry did not want a minimum wage increase because it would cost them a large amount of money to continue the operation of their companies. Schlosser uses his resource...

Media Production Log Essays

Media Production Log Essays Media Production Log Essay Media Production Log Essay In this area I will research and looking for certain information about the magazine covers which am I choosing to work in the main task in media studies. By the end of the lesson in media studies, I will deciding the brief about what task I doing in media, so I choose to do PRINT task because its easy to do and also my brother doing this brief task so maybe my brother also influence me to do this task. When I research in internet search engine (www. google. com) I research about the magazine front cover, then I found a website which is all about explaining the semiotics (means study of sign and symbols) in teenage magazine. In this information a found in Google maybe I will read this information because this will be helpful to me to do my task about the magazine In the task is music magazine cover because I have some knowledge on how to make a music magazine, because when I was doing a media studies in last year (2007) I choose also magazine cover. So in this brief task I doing is I have idea and techniques to do this task and also music is one of my favourite hobbies. 03/06/09 Research and find information and pictures in making a music magazine cover. Computer (Internet) Magazine. Library (Library is really good source of information to find good research about this task made in media. I found lots of information on the magazine covers, which is in internet. The magazine and the library means also my resources to help me to create my own magazine cover. In these sources I found some ideas on creating my own music magazine cover. This kind of source which is the best guidelines to search for making magazine cover because I see beautiful pictures, and found some techniques on how to build my own magazine cover, and other information related in magazine. Maybe I will barrow a camera from the head teacher Mr. Baptiste to take a picture to my task in magazine cover so that I will provide a good practical work in my work. I will use my old work in magazine cover in last year so I will use as a guidelines to make better marks. In this day I forget to borrowing camera to Mr. Baptiste which is to taking pictures. But the good thing is we have a camera at home so that I have a chance to take my own pictures of making a music magazine 03/07/09 03/08/09 (Week end) In this 2 days day off of school, I will used my time to find a good suitable pictures for my magazine cover, and more information of magazine task The sources I needed is Camera which is taking pictures, Internet which I search some suitable information and guidelines In these two days off in school, I will must find my pictures on my own music magazine cover, and other pictures which are include for making my own music magazine cover. This two days day off in school, the obstruction to not doing my coursework in media is working, which I cannot do my work. And the last thing are playing in computer games and going hangout with my friends. 03/11/09 I will buy a original music magazine in store which is also needed in this course Money Bus pass This day is I go in town centre to buy an original magazine to photo copy the pages of magazine and I analysing the different information using media terminology. I will find other nearly store in my place which is no wasting time and also money. 03/17/09 Working on Production Report of my new music magazine cover Computer Microsoft word 2003 Internet In this day I will work on production report which is the main task of making new music magazine cover. In production report I will work on my brief, planning of production within the magazine cover, my main target audience, constructing the production and evaluation. Maybe I will find different types of sources to improve my coursework in this subject. 03/17/09 Reviewing and checking my own questionnaires about music magazine cover. Computer Microsoft word 2003 In these 2 lessons in media studies, I will change all corrections of my questionnaires within my music magazine cover. Because Mr. Baptiste checking my questionnaires to make sure that the questionnaires about the music magazine is correct. This is important because to make sure that my work is correct and to make high grades/marks of this subject. In this days, I hope that Mr.Baptiste quickly done on photo copying of my questionnaires. So means that I will work on my next level of this work, like giving questionnaires to the people and making questionnaires results. 03/10/09 Explaining and analysing my music magazine which Mr. Baptiste already photocopy the important pages within my magazine. Microsoft word In this day I will explaining my music magazine which I explain the front cover, article pages and the back pages of the magazine, so I explaining the media terminologies which are the denotation / connotation, the semiotics, message values and the masthead on the magazine. I have only 3 lessons on this day so I have a time to do this work. In this free period of my time, I going out in school to find other places that have music magazine and also research some information related in music magazine. 03/23/09 Giving music magazine questionnaires in the public My questionnaires Camera (which taking pictures those people I give questionnaires. I will give my own questionnaires which all about music magazine in the public. Then I will bring camera to take pictures those people that I give questionnaires which means I have evidence that I giving this questionnaires outside in the school. This is important in part of my foundation coursework in media to ensure that I will get good marks in media studies. Because I shown that I will work with my own practical work in ideas on doing this work. I will call Kevin to help me to take pictures those people I giving questionnaires and maybe I will come other places that more walking people, this would help me to answer all questionnaires that I make in music magazine.